Young Asian (18-25) UPDATED
According to the 2021 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), 16.6 million young adults ages 18 to 25 (49.7% in this age group) reported that they drank alcohol in the past month.1,2 This includes:
young asian (18-25)
According to the 2021 NSDUH, 9.8 million young adults ages 18 to 25 (29.2% in this age group) reported binge drinking in the past month (see glossary for definition of binge drinking).4,5 This includes:
According to the 2021 NSDUH, 2.4 million young adults ages 18 to 25 (7.2% in this age group) reported heavy alcohol use in the past month (see glossary for definition of heavy alcohol use).6,7 This includes:
According to the 2019 Monitoring the Future (MTF) survey, 12.0% of college students and 12.0% of young adults not in college engaged in high-intensity drinking (see the MTF bullet in the glossary definition of high-intensity drinking).8
AA adolescents and young adults are the fastest growing racial and ethnic population segment in the U.S. (11). Adolescence is a stage of rapid physical, social, and brain development; thus, AA adolescents and young adults may be especially vulnerable to increased depressive symptoms due to their exposure to multiple stressors associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, such as increased social isolation, family financial strain, and increased social media use. They also feared for their own safety as they became direct targets of anti-Asian hate crimes (12, 13).
AA adolescents and young adults are in a unique rapid developmental period, which makes them especially vulnerable to racial discrimination, heightening the anti-Asian climate during the pandemic. These adolescents and young adults are experiencing increased identity exploration and formation that is strongly tied to their racial/ethnic background and how their racial/ethnic identities are perceived by others (16, 17).
For example, one study found that Chinese American young adolescents who faced fewer developmental difficulties were associated with parents who socialized their children about maintaining their cultural heritage (18). These effects were not observed among older adolescents. However, the study found that both young and older adolescents with more developmental difficulties were associated with parental messages about concealing one's racial/ethnic identity during COVID-19 (18). Despite the growing recognition of the rise of anti-Asian racism in the era of COVID-19 in the national dialogue, there remains a data gap on the consequences of this increased racial discrimination on AA adolescents and young adults' mental health and well-being in the U.S. Without robust data, it is not possible to understand the breadth and depth of the intertwined effects of racism, violence, and mental health outcomes that can facilitate the design of effective and age-/culturally-appropriate public health policies and interventions to support this population group.
The socio-ecological framework can be used to understand the multi-level structure and impacts of Orientalism. McLeroy et al. ecological model for health promotion posits that nested environmental levels (e.g., macro-, community-, interpersonal, and individual-level) affect individual behavior and health outcomes and vice-versa (i.e., individual behaviors may impact higher-scale levels) (22). As a macro-level ideological geopolitical climate, Orientalism structures the psychosocial and economic pathways that may impact the health of AAs. At the policy level, disinvestment in and gentrification of Chinatowns and other Asian ethnic enclaves throughout the U.S. reveal the structural violence in working-class communities, placing them at increased risk of poorer health outcomes (6, 23, 24). At the community level, this simultaneous disinvestment and gentrification occur because Chinatowns and other Asian ethnic enclaves represent sites where the working-class AAs are diseased (a perception even more pervasive because of COVID-19 first being discovered in Wuhan, China) and dirty (25), and therefore in need of sanitizing to fit an upper-middle class White aesthetic (26). At the interpersonal level, AAs, especially women, transgender, and gender non-conforming people, have been subject to racial discrimination, public harassment, and physical and psychological violence in places such as sidewalks, subways, and social media (3, 27, 28). These pathways can all influence AAs' mental health by exposing them to direct harm, chronic stress, feelings of hypervigilance and by undermining their sense of safety and belonging. Moreover, for AA adolescents and young adults, healthy racial and ethnic identity formation processes can be disrupted (16, 17).
Our study contributes to the emerging evidence base of anti-Asian violence experienced and felt by AA adolescents and young adults during the pandemic and how that is associated with depressive symptoms. These findings provide data for policymakers to invest in age- and culturally-appropriate care for this population. Additionally, study findings have implications on how best to measure depressive symptoms among AA adolescents and young adults. Below, we discuss our key findings.
Findings illustrate that most AA adolescents and young adults reported experiencing some form of in-person or online harassment prior to the pandemic. A quarter of the sample indicated that they experienced higher frequency and/or worse severity in harassment since the start of the pandemic. Among these young adults, they were more likely to report feeling less safe and avoiding public spaces due to fear of being a target of anti-Asian violence and having increased depressive symptoms. Additionally, transgender/genderqueer individuals and cisgender women were more likely to report high depression severity than cisgender men in our study.
Expectations: Criticizing appearance, comparing successes, not being _______ enough. Children of first-generation immigrants are particularly expected to serve as cultural and linguistic liaisons for older family members in addition to serving as a caregiver for younger children and attending school.
Election Day served as the culmination of an unprecedented election cycle shaped by the COVID-19 pandemic, a nationwide movement for racial justice, and the boundless energy of young people who made their voices heard in the streets and at the ballot box. Our research reveals that young voters increased their turnout in 2020; they made the difference in key battleground states; and the participation and overwhelming support for President-elect Joe Biden from youth of color was one of the defining elements of the election.
Note: The analysis below reflects our youth voter turnout estimate based on data immediately available in the days and weeks after the 2020 Election Day. In Spring 2021, based on voter files from 40+ states, we revised our estimate of young people's electoral participation to 50%. Read more.
Our calculations, based on votes counted as of November 18, suggest that 52%-55% of voting-eligible young people, ages 18-29, cast a ballot in the 2020 presidential election. Using the same methodology and data from a week after the election in 2016, we had previously estimated that youth voter turnout in 2016 was 42-44%.
At a time of historic uncertainty, when the nation confronts a pandemic and economic hardship, young people turned out in large numbers across the country and were instrumental in the victory of President-elect Joe Biden and the first female Vice President-elect.
As has been the case in recent elections, young people chose differently than older voters. Voters ages 30-44 favored Biden by 11 points, and voters over 45 split their support fairly evenly between both candidates but favored Trump by 3 percentage points.
There were also major differences by race/ethnicity. Young White voters preferred Biden by 6 points (51% vs. 45%). Black, Asian, and Latino voters, respectively, supported Biden by overwhelming margins of 77, 68, and 49 percentage points. And, within those differences by race/ethnicity, there are differences by gender. For example, young White men supported President Trump by 6 points (51% vs 45%), while young white women supported Biden over Trump by 13 points: 55% to 42%.
A new CIRCLE analysis of AP VoteCast by The Associated Press allows us to paint a fuller picture of how and when youth voted in 2020 and when they decided who to vote for, both in comparison to older voters and to their same-age peers of a different race/ethnicity. We find that 70% of young people reported voting early/absentee and 30% reported voting on Election Day. Youth were more likely to cast a ballot early in person or by absentee ballot than voters ages 30-44 (65% early) and about the same as voters ages 45-64. Voters aged 65+ voted early or absentee at the highest rate (79%), perhaps due to concerns about their higher vulnerability to COVID-19.
Throughout the election cycle we underscored the importance of access to information about processes like vote by mail that may have been new or unfamiliar to young voters, and the challenges that would pose for groups like youth of color, youth who do not have any college experience, and others that have been traditionally marginalized in civic life. This new analysis of 2020 voters finds that, indeed, young people without any college experience voted early/absentee at a slightly lower rate (66%) than their peers with higher educational attainment. Among young white voters, 61% of those without college experience voted early/absentee, compared to 66% of youth with some college experience (no degree) and 73% of college graduates.
It is important to note this method of aggregating county-level candidate support data will not reflect the overall support for Biden because he won relatively few counties across all three states, but the counties he won had larger populations. Additionally, urban areas/counties tend to have a higher proportion of young people, and urban areas tend to support Democratic candidates, so it is likely that the presence of youth is just one of many contributors to county-level differences in candidate support. 041b061a72